經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中,有很多非常有趣的現(xiàn)象,可以解釋生活中很多問(wèn)題。

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如果你也想掌握一些經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)常識(shí),和別人聊天時(shí),有些談資,顯格調(diào),一起來(lái)學(xué)學(xué)這十大經(jīng)典經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)常識(shí)和現(xiàn)象!

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10
Paradox of Value
價(jià)值悖論
Also known as the Diamond-Water Paradox, the paradox of value is the contradiction that while water is more useful, in terms of survival, than diamonds, diamonds get a higher market price. The argument could be made that diamonds are more rare than water, thus, demand is higher than supply, which means that price will go up. However, consider the fact that less than 1% of the earth’s water is drinkable. Also consider the fact that access to clean drinking water is one of the world’s most pressing problems, every year 2 million people die and half a billion become sick from a lack of drinkable water.
又名“鉆石與水悖論”。就人類(lèi)生存而言,水比鉆石更為珍貴,但鉆石的市場(chǎng)價(jià)格更高,這種反差就構(gòu)成了價(jià)值悖論。產(chǎn)生這一現(xiàn)象的原因可能是鉆石更為稀有,需求大于供應(yīng),價(jià)格上漲。但是,其實(shí)地球上的水只有不到1%是可飲用的,同時(shí),世界上每年有200萬(wàn)人因飲用水短缺死亡,5億人患病。如何為更多人提供清潔飲用水是最緊迫的問(wèn)題之一。
This paradox can possibly be explained by the Subjective Theory of Value, which says that worth is based on the wants and needs of a society, as opposed to value being inherent to an object. In developed countries, drinkable water in not only abundant, it’s considered a right. Because we do not have to worry about paying for water, this gives us money to pay for things like diamonds, that do not fall out of our faucets. Individuals in developing countries surely place a higher value on clean water.
這個(gè)悖論可以通過(guò)主觀價(jià)值論來(lái)解釋。主觀價(jià)值論認(rèn)為,產(chǎn)品價(jià)值取決于社會(huì)需求,而非作為物體的固有價(jià)值。發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家不僅擁有豐富的飲用水資源,獲取足量飲用水更是一種權(quán)利。因?yàn)槲覀儾挥脼樗M(fèi)發(fā)愁,所以可以購(gòu)買(mǎi)不能輕易獲取的鉆石。而對(duì)于發(fā)展中國(guó)家而言,飲用水的價(jià)值肯定相對(duì)更高。
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9
Khazzoom–Brookes Postulate
Khazzoom-Brookes假說(shuō)
This proposal was named after Daniel Khazzoom and Leonard Brookes, who argued that increased energy efficiency, paradoxically, tends to lead to increased energy consumption. It was found to be true in the 1990’s. So how is this possible? Wikipedia explains it very effectively:
這一假說(shuō)是以經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家Daniel Khazzoom及Leonard Brookes的名字命名的,即能源效率的提高會(huì)增加而不是減少能源消費(fèi)。這一假說(shuō)于20世紀(jì)90年代被證實(shí)。那么這是什么原因呢?維基百科對(duì)此做出了詳細(xì)解釋?zhuān)?/div>
“Increased energy efficiency can increase energy consumption by three means. Firstly, increased energy efficiency makes the use of energy relatively cheaper, thus encouraging increased use. Secondly, increased energy efficiency leads to increased economic growth, which pulls up energy use in the whole economy. Thirdly, increased efficiency in any one bottleneck resource multiplies the use of all the companion technologies, products and services that were being restrained by it.”
“提高能源效率將通過(guò)三種方式增加能源消耗:第一,提高能源效率降低能源使用花費(fèi),從而增加能源消耗;第二,提高能源效率推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng),進(jìn)而拉動(dòng)整個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)體的能源消耗;第三,任何一種能源資源效率的提高都會(huì)極大地推動(dòng)所有相關(guān)技術(shù)、產(chǎn)品和服務(wù)的使用。“
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8
Bounded Rationality
有限理性
Economic theory generally assumes that individuals are completely rational, and as such, make rational decisions. Recent books on behavioral economics, notably Dan Ariely’s Predictably Irrational have brought forth evidence that people do not make rational decisions at all. Bounded Rationality is the idea that individual decision making is limited by personal information, cognitive limitations, and time constraints.
經(jīng)濟(jì)理論一般假設(shè)個(gè)人是完全理性的,因而會(huì)做出理性的決定。最近一系列研究行為經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的書(shū)籍,特別是Dan Ariely的《怪誕行為學(xué)》證明了“人們根本不會(huì)做出理性決定”的看法。有限理性認(rèn)為,個(gè)人決策會(huì)受到個(gè)人信息、認(rèn)知和時(shí)間的限制。
The basic idea of economics is that people act in ways to maximize their self-interest. We do things that will increase our “utility”, or happiness. It seems logical that we would make rational decisions in order to accomplish that. Unfortunately, information asymmetry, cognitive biases and other factors conspire to bound our rationality, and people often make choices that lead to outcomes that go against their desires.
經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的基本思想是人類(lèi)行為是為了最大限度地獲取自身利益。我們所做的事情能夠增加我們的“效用”或幸福感。我們?yōu)榱俗龅竭@一點(diǎn)而做出理性決定的觀點(diǎn)似乎是合乎邏輯的。不幸的是,信息不對(duì)稱(chēng)、認(rèn)知偏見(jiàn)和其他因素共同限制了我們的理性,導(dǎo)致人們經(jīng)常做出非理性決策,其結(jié)果往往與初衷背道而馳。
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7
Lipstick Effect
口紅效應(yīng)
Economics has many categories for “goods”. “Luxury Goods” are items that people buy more of as their income rises, as opposed to “Necessity Goods” like food and shelter, whose demand is unrelated to income. Examples of luxury goods include fine jewelry, expensive sports cars and designer clothing. The Lipstick Effect is the theory that during an economic calamity, people buy more less costly luxury goods. Instead of buying a fur coat, people will buy expensive lipstick. The idea is that people buy luxury goods even during economic hardships, they will just choose goods that have less of an impact on their funds. Other less expensive luxury goods besides cosmetics include expensive beer and small gadgets.
經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中有很多 “商品”類(lèi)別。的特征是,隨著人們收入的增加, “奢侈品”購(gòu)入數(shù)量上升,但包括食物和住房在內(nèi)的 “必需品”的需求與收入無(wú)關(guān)。奢侈品包括高級(jí)珠寶、昂貴跑車(chē)和名牌服裝。口紅效應(yīng)是指人們?cè)诮?jīng)濟(jì)蕭條期間會(huì)購(gòu)入更多相對(duì)廉價(jià)的奢侈品,比如不買(mǎi)皮大衣而去購(gòu)買(mǎi)昂貴的口紅。這是因?yàn)?,即使在?jīng)濟(jì)不景氣的情況下,人們依然有購(gòu)買(mǎi)奢侈品的欲望,所以會(huì)選擇能夠承受的奢侈品。 除化妝品外,其他較便宜的奢侈品包括昂貴的啤酒和小型玩具。
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6
Tragedy of the Commons
公地悲劇
The tragedy of the commons is a situation in which multiple individuals, acting independently, deplete a shared resource, even when it is not in anyone’s interest to do so. The best current example of this is fishermen. Nobody owns the earth’s fish populations, indeed, they are a shared resource. Fish are a good that people the world over consume, and as a result, there are multiple fisherman competing for these fish. Each fisherman will try to catch as many fish as possible in order to maximize his profits. However, it is also in the fishermen’s best interest to sustain the fish populations, i.e., leaving enough fish to repopulate, so that down the road, there are still fish to be caught. If each fisherman is concerned with sustainability, and they should be if they don’t want to find new careers in the near future, they theoretically will work to preserve the fish populations. Here is the problem: there is a lack of trust. A fisherman that acts responsibly and limits the amount he catches will be screwed if all the other fisherman do not. The other fisherman get more fish than he does, make more in profits, and will ultimately deplete the fish population anyway. So each fisherman, believing that the others will take more than their sustainable share, will take as many fish as he can, and the world’s fish supplies will deplete, even though no one wants them to.
獨(dú)立的個(gè)體共同將公有資源消耗殆盡,即使這會(huì)損害他們自身的利益,這就是公地悲劇。公地悲劇的典型例子是過(guò)度捕撈。地球上的魚(yú)類(lèi)資源不屬于任何個(gè)體,是全人類(lèi)的共同資源,也是全世界共同消費(fèi)的商品,漁民們?yōu)榱藸?zhēng)取更多的魚(yú)類(lèi)數(shù)量展開(kāi)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。每個(gè)漁民盡可能地捕撈更多數(shù)量的魚(yú),以實(shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)人利益最大化。然而,維持魚(yú)類(lèi)數(shù)量不變、留有足夠數(shù)量的魚(yú)來(lái)繁衍生息、保證未來(lái)有魚(yú)可捕其實(shí)也是漁民的最大利益。如果每個(gè)漁民都能考慮到可持續(xù)發(fā)展,其實(shí)如果未來(lái)不想改變職業(yè)的話(huà)他們應(yīng)該考慮這一點(diǎn),理論上來(lái)說(shuō)他們應(yīng)該努力保護(hù)魚(yú)類(lèi)。但主要的問(wèn)題是漁民之間缺乏信任:如果其他漁民依舊我行我素,那么限制自己捕魚(yú)數(shù)量的漁民將無(wú)利可圖。其他漁民捕撈數(shù)量多、盈利多,最終仍會(huì)將魚(yú)類(lèi)資源消耗殆盡。每個(gè)漁民都認(rèn)為其他人會(huì)盡可能多地捕魚(yú),因此每個(gè)漁民都在大肆捕撈,久而久之,世界魚(yú)類(lèi)資源將走向枯竭。盡管這一結(jié)局會(huì)損害所有人的利益。
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5
Tragedy of the AntiCommons
反公共地悲劇
The opposite of the above mentioned tragedy of the commons, the anticommons is a situation where too many owners (and bureaucratic red tape) discourages accomplishment of a socially desirable outcome. The classic example is patents. If a product requires multiple components or techniques patented by different people or companies, then it becomes difficult, time consuming and very costly to negotiate with all the owners, and the product may not be produced. This can be a huge loss if the product is in great demand or would have great social benefits. Everybody loses in this situation, the patent holders, the would-be manufacturers and the consumers who would have bought the product.
與上述公地悲劇相反,反公地悲劇是指過(guò)多的擁有者(繁文縟節(jié))會(huì)阻礙多方利益的實(shí)現(xiàn)。典型例子就是專(zhuān)利。如果一件產(chǎn)品由不同的人或公司獲得專(zhuān)利的多種組件或技術(shù)組成,與各個(gè)專(zhuān)利所有者進(jìn)行協(xié)商比較困難、耗時(shí)且成本高昂,最終產(chǎn)品可能不能投入生產(chǎn)。若產(chǎn)品需求較大或社會(huì)效益良好,不投入生產(chǎn)就是一種損失,專(zhuān)利所有者、生產(chǎn)商及消費(fèi)者等各方利益都會(huì)受到損失。
Interesting fact: A single microchip contains up to 5,000 different patents. No one can create a microchip unless every single patent holder agrees to license their patent.
有趣的事實(shí):?jiǎn)蝹€(gè)微芯片包含多達(dá)5,000種不同的專(zhuān)利,只有在得到每個(gè)專(zhuān)利持有人授權(quán)的情況下才能生產(chǎn)微芯片。
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4
Perverse Incentives
不當(dāng)激勵(lì)
A perverse incentive is an incentive that has an unintended and undesirable effect which is opposite to the initial interests. A type of unintended consequences, perverse incentives are the result of an honest good intention. A historical example illustrates the problem: 19th century paleontologists traveling to China used to pay peasants for each piece of dinosaur bone that they presented. It was later found the peasants found bones and then smashed them into many pieces, which significantly reduced their scientific value, to get more payments. More modern examples include paying architects and engineers based on project costs, which leads to excessively costly projects as they overspend unnecessarily to make income.
不當(dāng)激勵(lì)所導(dǎo)致的結(jié)果往往與發(fā)起人的初衷背道而馳。不當(dāng)激勵(lì)的出發(fā)點(diǎn)是良性的,結(jié)果是不在預(yù)料范圍內(nèi)的。歷史上,19世紀(jì)古生物學(xué)家到達(dá)中國(guó)后,常常從農(nóng)民手中按照件數(shù)購(gòu)買(mǎi)恐龍骨。后來(lái)他們發(fā)現(xiàn),農(nóng)民會(huì)將自己發(fā)現(xiàn)的恐龍骨切割成更多小塊,以此換取更多的報(bào)酬。但這大大降低了骨頭的科學(xué)研究?jī)r(jià)值。在現(xiàn)代社會(huì),由于人們按照項(xiàng)目花費(fèi)向建筑師及工程師支付酬勞,建筑師及工程師們會(huì)增加額外支出以獲取更多利益,最終導(dǎo)致項(xiàng)目花費(fèi)過(guò)高。
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3
Information Asymmetry
信息不對(duì)稱(chēng)
Information asymmetry is a prevalent issue in economics. In most sales transactions, the seller has more information than the buyer, and as such has the opportunity to try to pass off low quality or defective products for higher prices. This leads to buyer distrust and the old idiom: Buyer Beware.
信息不對(duì)稱(chēng)是經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中普遍存在的問(wèn)題。 在大多數(shù)商品交易中,賣(mài)方所掌握的信息比買(mǎi)方多,因此能夠?qū)⒘淤|(zhì)品或次品以高價(jià)出售,從而導(dǎo)致買(mǎi)方對(duì)其失去信任。有成語(yǔ)云:“無(wú)奸不商”。
Adverse selection is a market process where information asymmetry causes negative results. A good example is health insurance. Insurance companies depend on a mix of clients: they need a certain number of healthy individuals (low-risk) to pay premiums and not use a lot of services so that the premium prices can average out. However, the people most likely to buy health insurance are people who need it because of health problems (high-risk). These people are more costly to the insurance companies because they need more services than a healthy person. The insurance companies do not know every new policy applicants health status (but they certainly do everything in their power to find out as much as they can), and this lack of information requires the companies to raise premiums to mitigate the risk. This increase in premiums causes the healthiest people to cancel their insurance. This leads to a further increase in premium price as the insurance companies now have a riskier group, which leads to the now healthiest people canceling their insurance, continuing the “adverse selection spiral”, until the only people insured are the direly ill. At this point, the premiums paid will not even begin to offset the costs of the sick. In theory, this could lead to the collapse of the health insurance industry, however, this is an unlikely scenario as their risk is diminished by things such as employer offered insurance, which includes a large set of healthy individuals who average out the risk.
逆向選擇是信息不對(duì)稱(chēng)導(dǎo)致的負(fù)面影響。健康保險(xiǎn)是最典型的例子。保險(xiǎn)公司依賴(lài)客戶(hù)群體生存:他們需要一定數(shù)量的健康客戶(hù)(低風(fēng)險(xiǎn))來(lái)支付保費(fèi),并且不需為他們提供服務(wù),以便平衡他人保費(fèi)。然而,最有可能購(gòu)買(mǎi)健康保險(xiǎn)的人是自身存在健康問(wèn)題的人(高風(fēng)險(xiǎn))。對(duì)于保險(xiǎn)公司而言,這些客戶(hù)需要更多服務(wù),因而成本更高。但事實(shí)上,保險(xiǎn)公司并不了解每一位投保人的健康狀況(但他們一定盡可能地去了解),這種信息不對(duì)稱(chēng)使得保險(xiǎn)公司進(jìn)一步提高保費(fèi)以減輕風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。但保費(fèi)增加又導(dǎo)致健康狀況最良好的客戶(hù)取消購(gòu)買(mǎi)保險(xiǎn),保險(xiǎn)公司客戶(hù)群體的整體健康狀況下降,進(jìn)而導(dǎo)致保費(fèi)價(jià)格進(jìn)一步上漲,又導(dǎo)致現(xiàn)有客戶(hù)中健康狀況最佳的客戶(hù)取消保險(xiǎn),形成“逆向選擇怪圈”,最終投保人均為患有疾病的客戶(hù)。此時(shí),保險(xiǎn)公司收取的保費(fèi)甚至不能抵消病人的花費(fèi)。從理論上來(lái)說(shuō),健康保險(xiǎn)公司可能會(huì)因此破產(chǎn)。但實(shí)際上,由于其他公司投保客戶(hù)群中包含許多健康客戶(hù),保險(xiǎn)公司的破產(chǎn)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)就大大降低了。
Another information asymmetry example is the “Market for Lemons”, a term coined by George Akerlof. The used car market is the classic example of quality uncertainty. A defective used car (“l(fā)emon”) is generally the result of untraceable actions, like the owners driving style, maintenance habits and accidents. Because the buyer does not have this information, their best assumption is that the vehicle is of average quality, and therefore will pay only an average fair price. As a result, the owner of a car in great condition (“cherry”), will not be able to get a price high enough to make selling the cherry worthwhile. End result: the owners of good cars will not sell their vehicles in the used-car market. This reduces the quality of cars in the used-car market, this reduces the price buyers will pay, this further reduces the quality of cars sold.
另一個(gè)信息不對(duì)稱(chēng)的例子是經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家George Akerlof提出的“檸檬市場(chǎng)”。 二手車(chē)市場(chǎng)是質(zhì)量信息不對(duì)稱(chēng)的典型例子。 一輛有缺陷的二手車(chē)(“檸檬”)的質(zhì)量難以考察,因?yàn)檫@需要了解原車(chē)主的駕駛風(fēng)格、保修習(xí)慣和是事故記錄。買(mǎi)家因?yàn)闆](méi)有這個(gè)信息,所以最多只能假設(shè)這輛車(chē)的質(zhì)量“還可以”,并按照這種假設(shè)來(lái)支付相應(yīng)的價(jià)格,而質(zhì)量較好的汽車(chē)(“櫻桃”)也無(wú)法以合理的價(jià)格售出。最終結(jié)果就是質(zhì)量較高的汽車(chē)不會(huì)在二手車(chē)市場(chǎng)上出售。在這種情況下,二手車(chē)市場(chǎng)的汽車(chē)質(zhì)量下降,買(mǎi)家的購(gòu)買(mǎi)價(jià)格下降,從而進(jìn)一步降低了待售汽車(chē)質(zhì)量。
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2
The Cobra Effect
眼鏡蛇效應(yīng)
This is when the solution to a problem actually makes the problem worse. The term ‘Cobra effect’ comes from an anecdote from colonial India. The British government wanted to decrease the population of venomous cobra snakes, so they offered a reward for every dead snake. However, the Indians began to breed cobras for the income. When the government realized what was going on, the reward was canceled, and the breeders set the snakes free. The snakes consequently multiplied, and increased the cobra population. The term is now used to illustrate the origins of wrong stimulation in politics and economic policy. Unfortunately, some of the crises facing our world are the result of honest attempts to solve problems.
眼鏡蛇效應(yīng)指的是針對(duì)某問(wèn)題的解決方案反而使該問(wèn)題惡化。“眼鏡蛇效應(yīng)”一詞來(lái)自殖民時(shí)期印度的一則逸聞:英國(guó)政府想減少有毒眼鏡蛇蛇的數(shù)量,因而頒布法令說(shuō)每打死一條眼鏡蛇都可以獲得賞金。然而印度人為了賞金反而開(kāi)始養(yǎng)殖眼鏡蛇。當(dāng)英國(guó)政府意識(shí)到這種情況而取消賞金后,養(yǎng)殖蛇的人把蛇都放了;放出去的蛇繼而大量繁殖,結(jié)果眼鏡蛇種群數(shù)量反而上升。現(xiàn)今該術(shù)語(yǔ)用于形容政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)政策下錯(cuò)誤的刺激機(jī)制。很不幸的是,當(dāng)今世界面臨的一些問(wèn)題,正來(lái)源于為解決問(wèn)題而作出的正當(dāng)嘗試。
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The Samaritans Dilemma
撒瑪利亞人困境
This is the idea that giving charity reduces an individual’s incentive to help themselves. When given assistance, the recipient has two choices: use the aid to improve their situation, or come to rely on the aid to survive. Obviously, good Samaritans give assistance in the hopes of the former, that the recipient will use the aid to improve their situation. For example, when a country gives financial aid to another country who has experienced a natural disaster, we assume that the money will go to helping the victims, cleaning, rebuilding, etc. Arguers against charity often bring up this dilemma, claiming that beneficiaries of such aid lose incentive to work or become productive members of society. This can be seen in action when people who want to give a dollar or two to a homeless person do not, because they are afraid the person will buy booze with it. A “transfer of wealth” of a couple of dollars from someone who can spare the dollars to someone who will use the dollars to improve their situation is a wonderful arrangement. However, if the recipient of the dollars is not going to use the money for a noble purpose, and instead is going to buy illicit drugs with them, it is a less desirable arrangement, and most charitable people would decline to give the dollars. Here’s the problem: it is hard to know how the person you are giving the dollars to will use the funds, so people might instead opt to not give to any homeless people. Now the individuals who would have used the money to improve their situations suffer.
撒瑪利亞人困境認(rèn)為,對(duì)他人提供幫助都會(huì)降低受助人自我?jiàn)^斗的動(dòng)力。弱勢(shì)群體在接受幫助的情況下有兩種選擇:利用援助來(lái)改善現(xiàn)況,或依靠援助來(lái)生存。好心的撒馬利亞人當(dāng)然希望受助人利用援助來(lái)改善他們的處境。例如,當(dāng)一國(guó)向遭受自然災(zāi)害的另一國(guó)提供財(cái)政援助時(shí),我們一般認(rèn)為這筆錢(qián)將用于幫助受害者、清理災(zāi)禍現(xiàn)場(chǎng)、災(zāi)后重建等工作。反慈善者經(jīng)常引用這一經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題,認(rèn)為受助人在接受援助之后會(huì)失去努力工作及提升自我的動(dòng)力。日常生活中也可以看到類(lèi)似的現(xiàn)象。行人想要施舍給流浪漢一兩美元,但想到流浪漢可能用這些錢(qián)去買(mǎi)酒,最終沒(méi)有伸出援手。這種 “財(cái)富轉(zhuǎn)移”的接受者若能利用援助改善生活,那么這便是一項(xiàng)成功的轉(zhuǎn)移。但是,如果接受者利用援助購(gòu)買(mǎi)毒品而非改善生活,這項(xiàng)財(cái)富轉(zhuǎn)移并不符合贈(zèng)與人的意圖,進(jìn)而拒絕施以援助??偟膩?lái)說(shuō),施助人很難知道受助人將如何使用援助資金,因而選擇不伸出援手。這樣一來(lái),真正會(huì)利用援助來(lái)改善生活的弱勢(shì)群體失去援助,苦不堪言。?