中國士紳——城鄉(xiāng)關(guān)系論集
China’s Gentry—Essays in Rural-Urban Relations

作者簡介:費(fèi)孝通,著名社會(huì)學(xué)家、人類學(xué)家、民族學(xué)家、社會(huì)活動(dòng)家,中國社會(huì)學(xué)和人類學(xué)的奠基人之一。

內(nèi)容簡介:費(fèi)孝通英文口述基礎(chǔ)上編撰的對中國農(nóng)村和中國社會(huì)的總體描述。其中,傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)中文人和士紳的作用,和鄉(xiāng)村和城市之間的關(guān)系,對認(rèn)識(shí)中國傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)的“超穩(wěn)定結(jié)構(gòu)”具有重要意義,更是理解中國近代社會(huì)劇變的關(guān)鍵。

Chapter One
第一章

The Gentry and the Imperial Power
士紳與皇權(quán)

The term “gentry,” shen-shih, refers to a class of persons with a definite position and definite functions in the traditional society of China. Here, by “traditional society,” is meant the period after the breakdown of feudalism and the unification of the empire under a centralized monarchical power not long before 200 B.C. The development of the gentry class has a history; only through this history can we understand its characteristics.
“士紳”這個(gè)詞,指的是在中國傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)中占有一定地位、發(fā)揮一定功能的一個(gè)階層。這里所謂的“傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)”是指臨近公元前3 世紀(jì)時(shí)封建制度解體之后,由中央集權(quán)一統(tǒng)天下的帝國時(shí)期。士紳階層有其自身的發(fā)展歷史,只有通過這一歷史,我們才能了解其特征。

The class that is here called gentry is also sometimes referred to as shih ta fu, “scholar-official.” Actually the gentry class, although closely linked with the group of scholar-officials, should be distinguished from it. To be born into a gentry family did not necessarily insure that one became a scholar or an official in traditional China. Under feudalism the situation was different. At that time the gap between the nobles and the commoners was great. Shih and ta fu, although they were the bottom of the hierarchy of the ruling class, were still a part of that class and as such possessed real political power. But after the breakdown of feudalism political power was no longer portioned out but became concentrated in the person of one man, the monarch. In order to carry out his administrative functions, the monarch required assistance. This was given him by the officials. The officials then were no longer relatives or members of the ruler’s own family but rather employees—the servants, or tools, of the monarch.
本書所講的士紳階層有時(shí)也被稱為“士大夫” 。實(shí)際上,雖然士紳階層與士大夫群體緊密相連,但仍應(yīng)把他們區(qū)分開來。出身于士紳家庭,并不能確保此人將來一定會(huì)成為中國傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)中的文人或官員。在封建時(shí)代,情形便不大一樣。封建時(shí)代的貴族和平民之間存在有不可逾越的鴻溝。 “士” 和“大夫” 雖然處于統(tǒng)治階級等級體系的最底層,但他們?nèi)詫儆诮y(tǒng)治階級的一部分,并擁有真正的政治權(quán)力。但封建制度解體后,政權(quán)不再分散,而是集中在最高統(tǒng)治者一人手里。為了實(shí)施管理,最高統(tǒng)治者需要輔佐。這種輔佐是由官吏來提供的。因此,這里的官吏不再是統(tǒng)治者的家族成員或親戚,而是他的雇傭,即仆人或者統(tǒng)治工具。

After the breakdown of feudalism there was another important change. The throne became the object of capture by the strong, by the hunters after power. Under feudalism, in which political power was distributed to relatives and kin, anyone not born into a noble family was a common man who had no chance of reaching the throne, of touching or even of seeing the divine paraphernalia of monarchy. No more than a woman can change into a man could a common man become royal. But, when feudalism went, anyone could become emperor. Thus political power became an object of struggle. This is illustrated by the story 25told by the historian Ch’ien Ssu-ma of Xiang Yu, who during the Ch’in dynasty (221–206 B.C.), in watching an imperial procession, said to his friend, “This I can seize.” Since that time the struggle for political power has never ceased. Political power in the eyes of the people has become something precious to be sought after, an enterprise for large-scale entrepreneurs.
封建制度解體后發(fā)生了另一重要的變化,皇權(quán)成為強(qiáng)者、權(quán)力追逐者競相爭奪的目標(biāo)。在封建制度下,政權(quán)分配給統(tǒng)治者的親戚和家屬,出生在貴族家庭之外的人是平民,他們永遠(yuǎn)沒有機(jī)會(huì)登上王位,沒有機(jī)會(huì)觸摸君王的神圣用具,甚至連看的機(jī)會(huì)也沒有。平民要想成為皇室的成員就像女人要變成男人一樣不大可能。但是,封建制度解體后,任何人都有可能成為皇帝。這樣,政治權(quán)力就成為大家爭奪的目標(biāo)。歷史學(xué)家司馬遷描述過這樣一個(gè)故事: 秦朝(公元前221 年—公元前206年)時(shí)的項(xiàng)羽在觀看皇家列隊(duì)時(shí)對他的朋友說: “彼可取而代之。 ”從那以后,爭奪政治權(quán)力的斗爭從來就沒有停止過。政治權(quán)力在人們的眼里已成為競相獵取的寶貝,要做大買賣的就干這個(gè)。

Unfortunately, since the breakdown of the feudal structure in China, political power has no longer been transmitted permanently in certain families, and up to the present no peaceful means of attaining it has ever been found. We continue to be convinced that the way to gain political power is through “taking up the stick” and fighting civil wars. Those few who emerge victorious in this struggle become emperors; the defeated become bandits. So we have had a succession of tyrants. A few people rule the mass. The nature of this despotic monarchy is not changed by the handing-on or relaying of power. In England, when a monarch was killed, monarchical power itself received a blow. Changes of monarchy led in time to a growth in the power of the people and to a government monarchic in name only. But, in China, blood flows from the people’s veins, while those who attain the throne are but a few fortunate adventurers, like Liu Pang, the first emperor of the Han, who was born a lowly peasant, or Chu Yuan-chang, the founder of the Ming dynasty. When we study official versions of Chinese history, we find presented to us a continuous line of dynastic descent; but we should not forget that the authority of these rulers was continuously challenged by civil wars and unscrupulous adventurers.
不幸的是,中國封建制度里解放出來的政權(quán),固然不再專屬一姓、萬世一系了,但是到現(xiàn)在還沒有找出一個(gè)奪取政權(quán)的和平方式。我們一說起奪取政權(quán),就忘不了“揭竿而起”的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)手段。武力爭奪的方式下,政權(quán)變成了“成則為王、敗則為寇”的奪寶對象。奪來奪去,以暴易暴,總是極少數(shù)人統(tǒng)治著其他的人民,專制的皇權(quán)并沒有在政權(quán)的傳承和接替中發(fā)生任何性質(zhì)上的改變。我們不像英國——?dú)⒘艘粋€(gè)皇帝,皇權(quán)減少了一些,民權(quán)抬了一些頭;趕走一個(gè)皇帝,皇權(quán)又減少了一些,民權(quán)再抬一些頭;最后竟成了個(gè)掛名皇帝,取消了皇權(quán)—— 但是,在傳統(tǒng)中國只有“取而代之”的故事,流的是人民的血,得到寶座的卻是少數(shù)幸運(yùn)的 “流氓” ,像下層農(nóng)民出身的漢朝開國皇帝劉邦、明朝開國皇帝朱元璋等一派人物就是。在官方修撰的史籍上,固然有著一脈相承的正統(tǒng);可事實(shí)上,大小規(guī)模的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和肆無忌憚的冒險(xiǎn)者恐怕是經(jīng)常的現(xiàn)象,史不絕書,不斷挑戰(zhàn)著統(tǒng)治者的權(quán)威。

To struggle for political power by violence is dangerous. If a man succeeds, he may become emperor; but, if he loses, he will be killed, and not only he himself but his whole family and clan. When he is challenging the established emperor, he is called a bandit and rebel, and the might of the army is directed against him. Moreover, the empire gained by violence may be lost by violence also. Twice in history, according to tradition, emperors tried to give up their power to other men who they thought would make better rulers. But those to whom the power was offered did not want it. They preferred to run away rather than to take on the responsibility. We do not know how far these two emperors were sincere in their desire to give up their power and to what extent this action was no more than a gesture or a piece of complicated political intrigue. There is no question of the fact, however, that in all of Chinese recorded history there is not a single case of voluntary abdication from the throne. Those abdications which did take place were forced. “The empire that was won on horseback will be lost only on horseback,” as the popular saying goes.
以武力爭奪政權(quán)是危險(xiǎn)的事。成固然可以稱王,敗則只有一死;非但一死,而且還會(huì)滅族。當(dāng)他向當(dāng)政的皇帝提出挑戰(zhàn)時(shí),他就成為寇匪或反賊,軍隊(duì)會(huì)沖他而來。況且,通過暴力得來的政權(quán)可能也會(huì)因暴力而喪失。歷史上曾有過兩次,依照傳統(tǒng),皇帝試圖把政權(quán)讓給他認(rèn)為是更好的統(tǒng)治者的人。但是那些人并不想得到政權(quán),他們寧可遠(yuǎn)離而不愿肩負(fù)責(zé)任。我們無從得知這兩位皇帝讓出政權(quán)的誠心有多大,也不清楚在何種程度上,這不過是一種姿態(tài)或是復(fù)雜的政治陰謀。但是有一個(gè)事實(shí)無法否認(rèn):中國有記載的歷史中,沒有一個(gè)皇帝主動(dòng)退位讓出皇權(quán);曾經(jīng)有過讓位的例子,但那是出于被迫。常言道:馬背上得天下,亦只于馬背上失天下。

To seek to become a monarch is to risk one’s life. The heir to the throne must uphold his succession. The emperor, who should be merciful, may pardon all other crimes but not the crime of attempted usurpation. That is the most terrible thing that can be attempted under heaven. To anyone who reads the records of the beginnings of the Ming dynasty, the account of tortures applied to those who menaced the throne sounds like an account of progress through hell. I was told that the models of the “eighteen hells” found in district Buddhist temples are reminiscent of what was really done in the Ming dynasty. The threat of torture was the emperor’s protection. I remember once as a boy calling out in play, “I am the emperor.” My grandmother stopped me at once, saying, “You must never say that.” This was not superstition or overcaution on her part but a recognition of a real danger in rash speaking. According to tradition at least, emperors used to have those children killed whom fortune-tellers foretold would one day become monarchs.
想當(dāng)君王實(shí)際上是拿生命去冒險(xiǎn)。王位繼承人肯定要保住其繼承權(quán)。作為皇帝應(yīng)該仁慈,他可以赦免其他所有罪行,而唯獨(dú)不能對謀反篡權(quán)罪手軟。謀反是天底下最可怕的事。任何讀過明朝初期歷史的人都知道,書中描寫的對謀反分子施加的酷刑仿佛是在地獄中發(fā)生的一樣。我們在城隍廟里所見到的“十八層地獄”的形象,據(jù)說是寫實(shí)的,是明史的標(biāo)本。酷刑的威脅便是皇帝的保護(hù)傘。記得小時(shí)候,有一次我在玩耍中大喊了一句: “我是皇帝! ”祖母急忙阻止我說: “這是不能說的! ”她并不是迷信,也非過于小心,而是意識(shí)到信口一句話會(huì)帶來的實(shí)際的危險(xiǎn)。至少依照傳統(tǒng)來看,皇帝常會(huì)把那些據(jù)算命先生講長大會(huì)做皇帝的孩子殺死。

But this threat of violence has never really given effective protection to monarchical power. As Lao-tzu says, “When one does not fear death, how is it possible to threaten a man with death?” When it is possible to gain political power through violence, the throne is tempting. Though the brutality of those in authority may silence the majority, repression will never be entirely successful. The magnitude of the stakes, an imperial power which could be used to realize any whim, could not but make the effort attractive in spite of dangers. On the one hand, there were those who were willing to gamble with their lives; on the other, there were those who submitted quietly. One may ask, then, what it was that decided on which side a man should be.
但是,武力的威脅并沒有真正有效地保護(hù)皇權(quán)。正如老子所言: “民不畏死,奈何以死懼之? ”當(dāng)通過暴力奪取政權(quán)成為可能時(shí),王權(quán)就變得異常誘人。雖然統(tǒng)治者的暴行可以使多數(shù)人保持沉默,但壓迫永遠(yuǎn)也不會(huì)完全奏效。在予取予奪的專制皇權(quán)下,政權(quán)可以用來謀取私人的幸福,社會(huì)也可以從順逆的界限上分出敢于冒大不韙的人和不敢冒大不韙的人。那么,有人就會(huì)問了,敢與不敢這樣的事情是怎樣決定的呢?

Under monarchical rule the people had only duties without rights; the emperor’s word was law. If he wanted to build a great palace, an imposing tomb, or a grand canal, he ordered it done without regard for the people. If he wanted to expand the boundaries of his kingdom, he commanded his army to mobilize regardless of whether the people liked it or not. The paying of taxes, the conscription of soldiers—these were burdens for the people to accept without compensation. Those who have lived under despotic monarchical power will understand Confucius’ saying, “A brutal monarch is even worse than a tiger.” This policy of despotism more fearful than a tiger has had a long history in China. So we say, when the tiger comes out from his cage, the frightened people escape to the Liang hills.
在專制政權(quán)之下,人民只有義務(wù)而沒有權(quán)利,皇帝的話就是法律?;实廴绻胍ㄔ煲蛔甏蟮膶m殿、巨大的陵墓,或是挖一條大運(yùn)河,他不會(huì)顧及百姓,只是下令讓手下人去做。如果他想開疆拓土,就會(huì)命令軍隊(duì)去動(dòng)員,不管人民愿不愿意。賦稅和兵役都是百姓難以接受的負(fù)擔(dān),并且沒有任何的補(bǔ)償。生活在暴虐的專制統(tǒng)治下的人們很容易理解孔子的“苛政猛于虎也”這句話。這種比老虎更可怕的暴政在中國有很長的歷史。所以我們說,這政治老虎出了欄,就會(huì)嚇得人逼上梁山了。

Upon all who are unarmed, we may say, the threat of political tyranny falls with equal weight. Yet in this, too, there have always existed differences. The richer folk could afford to pay for security. In the Chinese traditional pattern conscription, for example, could be bought off. The breaking-up of a family such as is described in “Old Poem” could never have happened in a rich family. Thus it was that people from this class became political adventurers.
專政統(tǒng)治的威脅對所有手無寸鐵的人來講,其威力都是一樣的,但常常也有不同。富人可以用銀子來買安全。比如,古代中國的征兵制度中有用銀子來代替服兵役的做法。古詩中描寫的支離破碎的家庭絕不會(huì)是富人家。因此恰恰是出自貧民階層的人變成了政治上的冒險(xiǎn)者。

The possession of riches or the lack of them was what was important for making some acquiesce and others rebel. “Man fears to be distinguished as a pig fears to be fat.” When the political tiger attacks, the man who is rich will have a greater difficulty in escaping than the man without property. In such a case property becomes a burden. Propertied families developed great alertness in watching the behavior of the tiger. The poor man who has become desperate may rebel, become a bandit in the mountains, and even, in time, challenge the royal authority itself. But a man of property and family cannot easily do this. He must find some way to avoid the attack of the tiger. Unfortunately, as the old saying goes, “From the water’s edge, all land is the emperor’s; under the heavens all are the emperor’s men.” At that time travel was not easy; one could not run away to Washington or Brazil, nor was there any International Settlement in a treaty port, nor even any Hong Kong. Physically there was no escape. Perhaps this is not quite true, after all, because we know that from early times certain individuals were able to escape to Korea or Japan. But the ordinary man had to find some means of protection within the structure of society itself.
財(cái)富的占有和匱乏是導(dǎo)致沉默和反抗的重要原因。 “人怕出名豬怕壯。 ”當(dāng)政治猛虎出擊的時(shí)候,富有者比窮人更難以逃脫災(zāi)難,這時(shí)候財(cái)富變成了負(fù)擔(dān)。富貴人家善于對“老虎”察言觀色,而絕望的窮人也許會(huì)揭竿而起,或是落草為寇,甚至遲早直接向皇權(quán)發(fā)起挑戰(zhàn)。一個(gè)有家室、有財(cái)產(chǎn)的人不會(huì)輕易這么做,他必須設(shè)法擺脫“老虎”的攻擊。不幸的是,正如古人所言: “普天之下,莫非王土;率土之濱,莫非王臣。 ”那時(shí)出門可不容易,不能跑到華盛頓或巴西,也不可能在任何一個(gè)通商口岸尋求國際避難,甚至也沒有香港這類地方。在地理空間上是無處可逃的。但也許并不完全如此,畢竟我們知道有些人在早年就逃到了朝鮮或日本。但是,一般人只能在現(xiàn)有的社會(huì)體制下尋找自我保護(hù)的途徑。

?編輯推薦:

?費(fèi)孝通英文原作《中國士紳》首次國內(nèi)出版
?理解士紳階層于中國傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)的功能
?解讀中國社會(huì)的“超穩(wěn)定結(jié)構(gòu)”編輯推薦:

?《江村經(jīng)濟(jì)》(英漢對照版)

?費(fèi)孝通(著)趙旭東、秦志杰(譯)

?外語教學(xué)與研究出版社